FreedomWorks Chairman and
Former
U.S. House Majority Leader Dick Armey
Download a High Resolution Image of Chairman Armey (.tif file)
For 18 years in the House of Representatives, Dick Armey fought tirelessly
for lower taxes, less government, and more freedom. In 2003, he joined FreedomWorks to lead the same political revolution at the grassroots level.
Upon joining FreedomWorks, Dick Armey said, “During my time as Majority Leader on Capitol Hill, I came to recognize that
grassroots action is the most important factor to winning at politics. That’s
what FreedomWorks is all about. I know FreedomWorks and its members well from past campaigns
on the Flat Tax, Social Security reform, and school choice. In every issue
that matters to the U.S. economy, FreedomWorks is right there in the fight. I am very
excited to be a part of this great organization.”
Dick Armey was born July 7, 1940 in Cando,
ND, the fifth of eight children to Glenn and Marian Armey. Armey graduated
from Cando High School in 1958 and went to work climbing power poles for the
REA.
 |
| It's pronounced "can do"
|
One cold winter night while atop a 30-foot pole, Armey
had something of an epiphany regarding the value of a college education. At 3
a.m., with the temperature 30 below zero, Armey thought to himself, "I'm not
sure I want to be doing this when I'm 40," and decided to go to college.
The following January, he enrolled at Jamestown
College in Jamestown, NorthDakota, the first in his family to go to college.
He was about to finish his studies and enter the world of work when an
influential professor, Dr. Robert Biggs, suggested to him that "you ought to
go to graduate school. You'll be a great economist if you'll just go study."
That he did, enrolling in the Masters program at the
University of North Dakota in 1963. From there it was on to the University of
Oklahoma and a Ph.D. in economics. Armey then began his teaching career,
starting at the University of Montana, then moving on to West Texas State, and
Austin College.
In 1972, he began what would be a 13-year stint at the
University of North Texas. In 1977 Armey became chairman of North Texas'
Economics Department, a promotion that he said took him away from the teaching
he loved and into the "more political" part of the university. He wondered,
for the first time, if his future lay in academics or elsewhere.
Legend has it that Dick Armey decided to pursue a
career in public service while watching C-SPAN one night. For Armey,
Washington had always seemed as a far off place where people were bigger than
life. C-SPAN demystified Congress, convincing Armey that he could work
effectively as an equal with the House members he came to know through
television.
Armey was a strong believer in the policies of Ronald
Reagan and he knew the President needed reinforcements in Congress. He was
first elected to Congress in 1984 and went to Washington in 1985 as a novice,
as he has said many times:"When I came to Washington, the only Congressman I'd
known or spent much time with was the man I beat."
Although Armey quickly made a name for himself in
Washington as a member dedicated to good public policy based on conservative
principles, the first notice Armey drew was for his sleeping habits not his
legislating skills. As a freshman, he slept first in the House gym and then,
after being ejected by then-Speaker O'Neill, on his office couch.
"I wasn't doing it to make a political statement, but
because I had four boys in college. What parent wouldn't do the same? I always
dreamed about sending my kids to college; I never dreamed about having an
apartment in Washington, D.C."
After winning re-election in 1986, Armey had his first
important legislative success: passage of an amendment with Congressman Jack
Kemp and Delegate Walter Fauntroy to reform public housing. Armey called
passage of this legislation "the most heart-warming work I've done. It makes
you feel like you're really making a difference."
Equally important during that second term,
Armey passed landmark legislation that would first bring him national
attention. Working with key Democrats like Ron Dellums, Les Aspin, and Joe
Moakley and often times in opposition to the Reagan Defense Department, Armey
succeeded in crafting and passing unique legislation to close down obsolete
military bases. His one-on-one efforts with his colleagues and the nation's
editorial writers proved key to his ultimate success. As a result of Armey's
work, more than 100 obsolete bases are being closed, saving the taxpayers $4
billion per year.
 |
| Reagan signs closure bill
|
As the Wall Street Journal reported in June of
1988, "By tempering his tactics without abandoning his goals, he is getting
legislation passed." As Armey himself noted, "You can be so ideologically
hidebound that you can cut yourself out of the process." Along with his
housing reforms, it was the start of a long string of bipartisan efforts
behind conservative goals.
After the success of base closing, Armey found a new
challenge in federal farm policy. Growing up in the heart of farm country, he
knew that federal farm programs often caused more problems than they solved.
And his economic training taught him that government controls never work.
Armey and other conservative Republicans
formed a bipartisan coalition with urban liberals like Chuck Schumer and
Barney Frank. According to U.S. News and World Report, they saved
taxpayers $14 billion by pressuring the agriculture committees to bring
forward leaner bills. The work they did in 1990 laid the groundwork for the
free market reforms passed in the 1996 Freedom to Farm legislation.
It wasn't all bipartisanship for Armey in
1990. During that summer President Bush broke his no new taxes pledge and went
to summit with congressional Democrats. That was too much for congressional
Republicans. The Republican Conference, by a 3-to-1 margin, passed Armey's
resolution opposing "new taxes and all tax-rate increases as a means of
reducing the federal budget deficit."
His leadership in opposition to taxes in 1990
caused the House Republican leadership to realize that Dick Armey was
influential within the Conference. Thus, in January of 1991, Armey was
appointed ranking Republican on the Joint Economic Committee. The post allowed
Armey to use his academic training to rebut Congressional liberals' attacks on
the Reagan economic record and to point out just how and how often the
Democrats used funny numbers to buttress their policy arguments.
The 1990 budget battle had another more profound
effect on Dick Armey. It made him wonder how virtually the entire Republican
leadership in the House and Senate could support a tax increase that was so
wildly unpopular among rank-and-file members.
Armey realized that he and the dominant philosophy he
represented would continue to be ignored so long as those beliefs were not
present in the room when key decisions were made. After careful consideration,
in June of 1992, Armey decided to seek a place in the Republican leadership as
Conference Chairman.
 |
| Armey signs balanced budget amendment
|
Many dismissed his candidacy as conservative
noise-making. But Armey followed the same plan he used with base-closing and
other legislative victories. He talked to his colleagues one-on-one, he made
his case, and he was persistent.
On December 8, 1992, Armey won his race 88-84. While
some tried to paint the race in ideological terms, Armey described it as a
triumph of activism. He went on to turn the Republican Conference into the nerve
center for communications and coalition building during the 103rd Congress.
Republicans were truly in the minority in
January of 1993. The Democrats still controlled Congress and Bill Clinton was
the newly inaugurated president. It was a challenge for Republicans.
Despite the losing battle to stop the largest tax
increase in history and increasing bitterness over the Clinton health care
plan, Armey was able to set aside partisanship to work for NAFTA.
When some people who put politics first suggested it
was best to let the treaty die and weaken President Clinton, Armey instead
lobbied his colleagues heavily, and took on the arguments made by NAFTA foes
like Pat Buchanan and Ross Perot.
Armey told PBS' Charlie Rose, "We are taking the
position that what is important for this nation, this hemisphere, and the
world in freedom and prosperity for our children is more important than the
politics of the moment and we are working with the President on this issue."
By 1994, the public was disenchanted with Congress.
Republicans, who were in the minority, believed that the American people were
ready for a bold and dynamic legislative agenda. The result was the Contract
with America, of which Armey was the main author.
The Contract was a collection of ten bills that
Republicans would bring up for a vote during the first 100 days of a
Republican-controlled Congress. The motto was: "If we don't keep our word,
throw us out."
The Contract was a success. Republicans took control
of the House for the first time in 40 years. Throughout the summer and fall,
many of his colleagues and most of the press refused to take Armey seriously
when he told them he was running for Majority Leader in the 104th Congress.
Armey once again proved the conventional wisdom wrong. He was unopposed for
the Leader's post.
| Upon taking office Armey delivered the line he
has repeated often since, "The American people didn't give us power,
they gave us responsibility." |
"The American people didn't give us power, they
gave us responsibility." |
The 104th was one of the most productive Congresses in
recent memory. Fully 60 percent of the Contract with America was signed into
law, including a historic welfare reform bill. Congress passed the first
balanced budget in a generation as well as overhauls of telecommunications,
farming, and health care.
From 2003 to the present, Armey has led FreedomWorks in a series of high-profile battles against higher taxes at the state and federal level, including defeating 3 of 4 multibillion dollar tax increases in Alabama, Oregon, Washington, and Colorado.
Despite a reputation for principled stands, Armey's
Congressional record and his work at FreedomWorks is a call to bipartisanship. As he said in 1993, "I've
never had a confrontation with another member of Congress that was the source
of any enjoyment. It's
a
part of the job that has to be done. You can compromise on details, you can
compromise on strategies, but you must never compromise on principles." And his axiom "The idea is bigger than the man" continues to govern Armey's engagement with FreedomWorks, as the organization seeks allies in unusual places and sometimes opposes its friends in the effort to pass principled, pro-growth public policy.
In the past, Armey has been referred to as an idea
machine and a one-man think tank. Armey has written four books, Price
Theory: A Policy-Welfare Approach (1977), The Freedom Revolution
(1995), The Flat Tax (1996), and Armey's Axioms (2003).
Armey and his wife Susan attend Lewisville
Bible Church. They have five children. Armey is an avid bass fisherman and
believes in the restorative powers of fishing, where he can put aside the
pressures of work and spend time with his wife and children.
Fishing picture by David Woo,
courtesy of the Dallas Morning News
|